Ethnography of DTA

Introduction

As our group discussed possible ideas for this project, the thought of what goes on during bus rides caught our interest. We chose to observe and discover the social norms and unwritten rules on buses from the Duluth Transit Authority. There is a wide demographic of riders from workers to shoppers to students and we wanted to see how they interacted with each other on the bus, or if they did at all. Some of the main unwritten rules we saw were that students sit anywhere unless there are older riders in the front, that riders don't stand when there are open seats, and riders tend to take up one seat in a row with an empty seat next to them. We tried breaking some of the norms by sitting on the inside of a rider and by standing during a bus ride.

Unwritten Rules/Social Norms

Many people use the buses every day, and the riders can vary from random users to people who rely on the bus system daily. We feel that the bus route is a daily Beat for many of these bus riders. Jorgensen said that using a pencil and paper is the best way to take brief notes, this helped us stay more low-key during the rides. We sat in several different areas during our bus rides and came to these observations:

"Seating Arrangements"

* Older riders tend to sit towards the front
* Younger and early middle-aged Non-student riders sit closer to the side exit door
* Students will sit anywhere, but sit towards the back when there are older riders in the front
* Riders almost never switch seats when on the bus
* Most females will sit towards the front, whereas most males sit in the middle and back
* The majority of everyone sits on the bus when there are open seats
* Younger and older riders rarely sat next to or talked to each other

"Distance Rule"

* Women sit next to each other when talking
* Men have a space of 1-3 seats when talking to each other

"Gemeinschaft/Gesselschaft/Techno$chaft"

* There are usually 1-3 riders with headphones on
* About 50% of the time there is a rider casually talking to the bus driver
* Strangers won't talk unless they possess a common item to talk about

"Following Norms"

* When one rider had his leg in the aisle, most riders in the vicinity did the same thing
* Very few riders looked at ads; most were either talking, looking down, or looking out the window

Exceptions:

* One female moved and sat behind another female after noticing her and talked
* One male got on the bus and sat next to another male and talked; both had bags
* One female stood half the ride blocking the exit door, but only sat down when a full row opened up.
* As one large group talking to each other dispersed at random stops, they changed seats and sat closer

Extreme:

* One man noticed us looking around and taking notes and kept staring at us; when he got off the bus he put his hands up to the window and stared at us with an awkward look on his face

Two groups of people we didn't encounter were people with disabilities and people riding bikes. There were only two instances when a child rode with their mother, so there was a lack of data for this group.

Interventions

We chose a couple ways to intervene with the unwritten rules: One was to try and sit in the seat on the inside of a stranger, another was to talk to strangers about the seldom looked at ads, and the final one was to stand an entire bus ride.

~~~When we asked to sit next to the window when the aisle seat was taken:

* 5/9 moved for us
* 2/9 got up and sat somewhere else
* 1/9 moved to the window seat
* 1/9 ignored us

~~~We approached riders about their opinion on ads vs. art on buses:

* 1/18 said they don't look at the ads, and then put their headphones on
* 3/18 said “I don't care” and ignored us
* 3/18 discussed how art would make the rides better
* 1 of them said it would make Duluthians more cultured
* 11/18 hesitated or looked at ads then answered
* 3/11 said the advertisements were fine
* 8/11 said they would like to see art on buses

~~~When one of us stood on the bus with open seats available:

* Less than half of the riders looked around at empty seats and then stared
* Some just looked briefly and then went back to their business
* One group talking to each other looked for a short period and after something was said they laughed

* An older male rider asked why I chose to stand
* Told him we wanted to see how people reacted to less normal behavior
* Rider said “That's definitely unusual [standing] when there are empty seats”


Some of the information gathered was from only one side of bus during a ride. We found that slightly more than 50% of the riders are courteous enough to. Also, we would say about 95% of the time a rider would sit in an empty row before sitting next to a stranger.

Class Connections

Everyone is always observing when they are participating, but not everyone is attentive to everything that is happening. Jorgensen talks about two ways of observing while participating. As daily riders we are all taking part in "Unfocused Observations"; we notice changes on the bus, but don't acknowledge or see the underlying meaning of what is happening. Through our project we used "More Focused Observations"; you become selective in what you are interested in and focus your attention on those matters. We found connections to the "Plaza" video and how Whyte stated that when one person shifts or changes posture others follow. We saw this when many riders had their legs out in the aisle. Our interventions were similar to the Clandestine Insurgent Rebel Clown Army. We did this by standing when everyone else sat and invading personal spaces when there were other options. We were clearly going against the flow of the other riders and what they were used to.

Conclusion

We discovered many unwritten rules for bus rides, but some of them did not hold on every bus ride. After analyzing all of our data we saw a few unwritten rules that stayed true. The older riders stayed towards the front, whereas younger riders did intermix throughout the bus. When people talked, either they generally knew each other or else a comment or item like a book connected them when they conversed. It was difficult to observe the random flow of riders on many of the bus rides so some of our data only came from one side of the bus. Having more time and 2 to 3 more group members we could have studied more bus rides, and everyone on each bus. We would have been able to observe the reaction of other riders when we as a large group intervened by talking as a group, moving around the bus to talk to different people we knew, and filling up areas of the bus to see where people would sit instead of their designated spot.

Final Analysis

I had an idea of the differences of lifestyles between rural and urban communities, but never realized how much connection there can be in larger cities. Societies have had a long time to change since the idea of gemeinschaft and gesellschaft came to Ferdinand Tonnies. In europe, even today, it can be very easy to distinguish gemein
schaft and gesellschaft between the small villages and the large cities. It can be quite different in the United States, where even farmers in the smallest towns can show signs of gesellschaft through self interest of preservation and being owned by a larger entity. However, gemeinschaft makes its way into urban lifestyles. One way we see this is through Jane Jacobs essays. In 'The Uses of Sidewalk: Safety' neighborhoods create safer streets by using them more and spending more time outside your house. If neighbors didn't create bonds with each other, they would have no reason to be a part of the everyday happenings of a streetside. This loss of gemeinschaft would affect the safety of neighborhoods.

Wherever you look you should be able to see signs of gemeinschaft. Whether it is groups of people talking to each other or a sign designating a community center, it has stayed and survived the expanse of society. The common beat I have takes me through several areas on the UMD campus where I see gemeinschaft, from the GIS lab and my small classes of 20-30 students to the sports and health center and field house. I think it is interesting how gemeinschaft can be constructed, and completely random. Sarah Plys talks about seeing gemeinschaft in her small private school. She has been a student there since preschool, so she would have strong bonds to other students and a closer relationship to the teachers there than I would with my professors here at UMD. Her school is a great example of a small tight community in an urban setting and a sense of how gemeinschaft has been constructed. This is similar to how I feel about the track team. We have our lives outside of the team, but we have 4 years to create strong relationships within the team. Between the GIS lab and classes is where I feel I have developed random connections of gemeinschaft. All 5 of my classes are in the same general area so I see a lot of the same classmates and professors. I have started constructing friendships within these classes, but they developed due to having several classes together. This never happened last semester due to my classes being much larger and located all over campus. Living in the dorms, Cody Olsen is subjected to the same circumstances. He sees the same people everyday and feels that his floor has developed into its own small community on campus.

Very prevalent in our society is the idea of gesellschaft, and the effect of widening gaps in society that destroy levels of shared interests and beliefs. When we graduate from high school and move on to college, we leave a community we have become a part of and face new challenges in life. Hallways and classes fill with random students. Most you will never know, some become familiar and a slight wave or short 'hello' becomes commonplace. It is funny how in urban areas the same places can become settings for both gemeinschaft and gesellschaft. Although my classrooms and the GIS lab create a feeling of gemeinschaft on the campus for me, they also have aspects of gesellschaft. Some students I only see in certain classes, others always have their group they sit with. A lot of students, including myself, also see this separation when renting. My last two landlords I got to know personally, but my recent one is a larger company and it is harder to build a connection this way. Laura Folkerts describes the same issue in her beat. There is gesellschaft in her home through the monotony of rent and her neighbors lifestyles. There is no relationship built with her landlord so they don't care as much when she has issues with the house, and the renter downstairs only shuts of their music when the time hits 'quiet hours'. There can be great distance created when you don't build connections or if people only have interest in themselves and not the benefits of a community, whether it involves classmates or neighbors or even landlords and bosses.

I don't feel that techno$chaft can be an entirely separate typology, and I'm curious what Tonnies would think of the term. It plays an active role in both gemeinschaft and gesellschaft. Living at one of the off-campus apartment communities, Erin Smith notices techno$chaft at the clubhouse in her turf with public computers, free printing, and wireless internet. Cody Olsen sees it within the library with wireless internet and computers in individual cubicles. However, I don't see these as individual techno$haft. Having a building with wireless internet can bring people together, creating the opportunity for stronger relationships. On the other hand, libraries tend to create separation for the reason of a more idle and relaxed atmosphere.

Moving from a town of 2,000 residents to Duluth has shown me that gemeinschaft has stayed with people and develops even in urban communities. There hasn't been much change in the idea of gesellschaft. People are motivated by money and they will take daring steps towards their own self interest to develop a higher quality of life, but not necessarily a better life. Tonnies talked about gemeinschaft as the strength and relationship of a community with similar beliefs and ideas. These smaller communities rarely worried about crime and control of social norms. People lived together to better the community and in helping others, you ultimately were helping yourself. As times change, I believe certain terms with societal connections change along with them. The world has seen many changes since his time, and we have developed massive urban lifestyles, but gemeinschaft has remained with people and always will.

Epitome of Duluth

Epitomes are described by Grady Clay (1973) as "special places in cities [that] carry huge layers of symbols that have the capacity to pack up emotions, energy, or history into a small space." The area that shows the greatest degrees of emotion, energy, and history in Duluth is Canal Park. Canal Park epitomizes Duluth for me in two separate ways. One is how it portrays Duluth to others as it first did to me, and the other is how it supports my active life now that I live here. It is a great insight to the city with its deep history, growing tourism, and connection to outdoor activities.

The beginning point of Canal Park is the Ariel Lift Bridge. It can be seen for miles, and is a great sight when first seen coming down the hill into Duluth. It is a giant landmark that helps serve as a guide to the area. Originally built in 1905, it adds great history and emotion to Canal Park along with other nationally historic sites there.

Canal Park was a warehouse district that died out and shifted towards tourism. A clock tower now serves as an entry point. Canal Park became Duluth's Identity-Maker. It became the starting point of Duluth's rich history and tourism, with a maritime museum, renovated historic buildings, and a close-up view of the shipping industry still present.

To create a bigger Identity, events were started that became widely known in the community and outside of the city. Big events like Grandma's Marathon and the Bayfront Blues Festival drew in more tourism. Grandma's Marathon is ideal for both gemeinschaft and gesellschaft. A close community putting on a nationally, even globally, known race. I've had many friends race who I have cheered for, but couldn't tell you who the winners were.

The Lift Bridge serves as a restrictive Venturi, controlling both automotive and pedestrian traffic into Minnesota/Park Point. It can also be seen as a break, separating a tourist center from an island neighborhood. I cross into Park Point for many summer events and notice a lot of gemeinschaft within my activities and in the community on the island.

Another break is created at the Minnesota slip, separating the historically rich central Canal Park from the relatively new DECC facility, the Great Lakes Aquarium, and the Bayfront Festival Park. Mobility at the break was created when a pedestrian bridge was installed.

An older photo better shows the break that exists when downtown's Lake Ave becomes Canal Park Dr. The road has a slight change in direction at both ends of Canal Park Dr. I-35 creates mobility at this junction, giving tourists immediate access to Canal Park. Grady Clay leaves us with a deep quote; "Thus when we find an epitome district we should treasure it, return
whenever possible, and deliberately use it as a special indicator, not
only of changes in the scene, but of changes in ourselves." Understanding this, I have noticed how I interact differently in Canal Park since moving here.

Turfs

In every direction you look, somebody or some group has claimed an area for themselves. Whether it has been legally claimed, permanently placed, or simply set up for a short period of time "turfs" are everywhere, but do you notice them. They are identified by countless types of symbolic signs, warnings and attitudes. As the meaning of turf first ran through my mind, I immediately realized the turf I enter several times a day.

The room is clearly marked with a sign stating it's purpose and the field of study it provides services to. The room number seems to be marked with the largest font on the sign, almost as to stand out in your mind so when you think of GIS at UMD you can recall, "Oh yeah, they staked their turf up on the 3rd floor of Cina Hall!".

Before you even enter the room you are subjected to techno$chaft. A card key is required to bypass the electronic lock. Their are many costly materials and services provided, so there is a need for security against those without a purpose for these services.

Most people might miss the sign stating the GIS Lab policies. Even I didn't notice it for a few days. Most signs you come across when entering most campus rooms usually state in large font "No Food or Drinks". The GISL label in the corner takes some attention away from the actual policies and seems to subdue you on a small scale. It seems like they are using gemeinschaft to give a polite warning to those unfamiliar with how the lab is used.

As part of a class, I have gained access to UMD's GIS Laboratory. It is simply a miniature library specifically allocated for students in GIS related classes. It provides the proper computer software and books that will help those in this field. The types of books available are a great indicator of what the space is being claimed for.


There are several symbols inside the room declaring who's turf you have entered. When you hang your jacket up in the room, a large poster jumps out at you from above the rack. There are even mouse pads used for marking the room.

The first presence of turf within turf is when you have to log into the computer. When someone logs in, they are claiming that computer for the period of time that they will be there. Both techno$chaft and gesellschaft are expressed through this. You must log in with a specific username and password to gain access, and every computer is reclaimed many times every day by a different student.


After you have logged in you notice that the computer backgrounds help connect the computers to the room in a visual way with GISL written across half of the screen. Even the internet homepage has been marked, another indication of techno$chaft. The best way that gemeinschaft is pronounced in the GIS Lab is by the regular geography professors that randomly patrol the room to check in and help students.

The GIS Lab is a great example of a space that has distinctly marked their turf. It has been effectively expressed through every aspect of gemeinschaft, gesellschaft and techno$chaft.

My Daily Beat

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Every weekday morning I drive from Springvale Rd (A) to the UMD campus (B). I walk up to the GIS lab (C) on the 3rd floor of Cina, and have all my classes (C) in Cina and Humanities. Then I walk down to bb court in SpHC (D) and to the fieldhouse (D). On certain days after practice I drive to Cub Foods (E) for any shopping, and then home (F).

The beat that is so easy to notice in my life is my daily beat. Anyone who might spend a day with me could easily notice the monotony in the path I travel every day. It has become so regular and predictable that any slight disruption along my beat sometimes affects my entire day simply because I am accustomed to my pattern. I have always wondered how people can deal with the same daily commutes, but now realize that they might not notice it until it has been pointed out to them.

Every weekday morning I wake up around the same time. I drive to campus from the west hillside and arrive well before classes start. I always go up into the GIS lab to take care of a few things prior to any classes and make sure I have everything in order. This may be projects I stated the night before or simply checking my emails. It's interesting how Techno$chaft can start off someone's day. If I have any extra time available, I skim through any books in the lab that look interesting or that might help me with my career path.

The reason I am in Duluth is for my degree. I have classes anywhere from 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. every day, all within a few steps of each other. I see some of the same students in a few of the classes, so I see familiar faces. However, I don't yet know them. Sure I know some names and a couple things about them, but I don't yet have that connection. Gesellschaft is going to be seen in most college classes. Lecture classes of 100+ students dominate the first 2 years of college. However, a trace of Gemeinschaft does exist in those chance meetings when students share similar goals and create a friendship.

After classes, I walk down 3 flights of stairs and head towards the SpHC building. Many athletes will gather around the commons area in front of the Romano Gym to study, talk, and even sleep. This is the best place to catch up on how others are doing. I see a lot of Gemeinschaft here, where athletes get to know each other and talk about their day or how their last event went.


At 4 p.m. sharp comes practice time down in the fieldhouse. Even though we all compete in different events, we support every other athlete on the team. Gemeinschaft is easy to recognize among our team. Several teammates may be competing for the same spot on the team, but we never have negativity towards anyone. Supporting each other makes us better athletes, and a stronger team.


Stopping at the grocery store isn't a rigid part of my daily beat, but once or twice a week I need to pick up groceries so Cub Foods silently falls into my routine here and there. This particular grocery store is open 24 hours, so Gesselschaft is easily seen. People can shop at any hour of the day, so chances of running into anyone you know are low. Many stores have shifted towards Techno$chaft with the use of electronic payment and even self checkout counters. Most of the time I only purchase a few commodities, so I can be spotted a lot at these counters.


When I arrive home it's unusually hard not to bump into a roommate, since I have four. While I prepare my dinner we will chat in the kitchen about how our day went or recent events in the news. We try to set up a few game nights a week so we can relax and have fun together. This is something we have been doing for the last 2 years. Even though we have only recently lived together, we have strong bonds that we hope will last for years to come.